Caleidoscópio (Série Snake Stories Livro 3) (Portuguese Edition)

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Eisenstein, Elizabeth L. New York: Cambridge University Press. The Coming of the Book. London: Verso. A Europa em Crise. Vila do Conde: Quid Novi. Fontaine, Pascal Fulbrook, Mary A Europa desde Porto: Fio da Palavra. Tratado de Lisboa. Lisboa: Difel. New Left Review, 11, pp.

Jesus, Alfredo Sousa de Cronologia — Uma Europa para todos. Grupo Europeu do PSD. Judt, Tony Le Goff, Jacques Comunidade Europeia. Coimbra: Coimbra Editora. Martins, Guilherme de Oliveira In Soromenho-Marques, Viriato coord. Lisboa: Ideias e Rumos. In Martins, Guilherme de Oliveira coord. Moreira, Adriano Morin, Edgar Lisboa: Instituto Piaget.

Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500-1800

Movimento Federalista Europeo The Federalist, Volume Navarro, Francesco Lisboa: Editorial Salvat. Ramos, Rui Manuel Moura Ribeiro, Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro, Maria Manuela Tavares coord. Olhares sobre a Europa. Risse, Thomas, ed. Lanham MD. Roberts, J. Rocha, Isabel coord. Porto: Porto Editora. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques O Contrato Social. Russ, Jacqueline A Aventura do Pensamento Europeu. Lisboa: Terramar. Sande, Paulo de Almeida Lisboa: Cosmos. Schot, Johan e Oldenziel, Ruth Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra.

Lisboa: Livros Horizonte. Soromenho-Marques, Viriato coord. Ideias e Rumos. Steiner, George A Ideia de Europa. Tocqueville, Alexis de Bruxelas: Jornal Oficial das Comunidades Europeias. Vaicbourdt, Nicolas. Van der Vleuten, Erik e Kaijser, Arne In History and Technology, Vol. Verhofstadt, Guy Os Estados Unidos da Europa. O Futuro da Europa. Wright, Esmond Lisboa: Publicit Editora. This is the twofold gaze, perception and sight. Perception is strong and sight weak. In strategy it is important to see distant things as if they were close, and to take a distanced view of close things.

One assumption is fundamental to understand the planning process at all levels: that plans are not based on reality, but on the perception that the planner has of reality. This does not happen in earlier conflicts, where, generally, our view of events stems from the subjective narratives of the participants, aligning us with the perceptions of leaders, or in more recent conflicts, where our intellectual proximity to the decision-makers draws us into their viewpoint. Thus, we see Arsuf through the eyes of Richard I, but we do not see Verdun through the eyes of von Falkenhayn.

Therefore, the Great War must be looked at through the perceptions of decision-makers, even if it requires us to adjust our view of reality so that we may understand their actions and draw important lessons from those actions. Two perspectives will help us overcome this problem. Thus, as historians, we must focus our study not only on reality but also on the perception that decision-makers in had of reality. We also know, thanks to Napoleon, that we are all creatures of our uniform, that is, of the social and cultural circumstances of our time.

Therefore, it is in the culture of the time under study that we must seek the matrix to which we must align our perceptions. Figure 1 - Sun Tzu and Napoleon remind us of the importance of perception and context. We will begin by countering the widespread misconception that the military refused to accept the progressive dominance of defensive firepower over manoeuvre in the technological context of , which is said to have been anticipated solely by civilian analysts such as Jean de Bloch. On the contrary, the military were perfectly aware of those conditions, not only through the distant example of the American Civil War, but from their extensive observations of the Russo-Japanese war, the Cuban war or the Boer war.

Proof of this is the heavy investment in machine guns and rapid fire artillery designed to sweep the battlefield with shrapnel ammunition, as well as in the excellent defensive employment of these weapons since the start of the conflict. The issue was not one of ignoring reality, but of refusing to accept its limitations. Figure 2 — Rapid-fire light artillery and machine guns were at the centre of all armament plans before the war and of the early defensive success. If we take context into consideration, it is clear that the Schlieffen plan went from initial design to practical application precisely during the period of time in which the Panama Canal was built, and that the German General approved the concept the year Albert Einstein published the first version of the theory of relativity.

Figure 3 - The Schlieffen plan and the Panama Canal were two precisely contemporary national responses based on the refusal to adapt to geopolitical constraints and on the determination to employ massive efforts to overcome those constraints. Thus, in their apparent unreasonableness, these military plans are an answer to constraints which are more than just technical, but are the cultural constraints of the early twentieth century. How was it then possible that what was probably the most intellectually gifted and ambitious military generation failed so clearly in their attempt to avoid defensive stagnation?

Asian artisans believe the gods live in the details. For Western strategists, demons lurk in assumptions. Thus, the Germans failed because they underestimated the resilience and flexibility of the French, and the French failed in the same manner because they underestimated the German capacity for organization and mobilization. This initial failure caused the war in the western front to turn into a conflict of attrition, as Lord Kitchener had stated in the early days or Jofre after the Marne or von Falkenhayn after the failure of his Ypres offensive.

And if Kitchener was able to predict the nature, and even the duration of the war in its early days, it was because the attrition characteristics of the Western Front were not derived from the trenches alone, but were essentially caused by opponents who were balanced both in resources and capabilities. Once this state of affairs had been achieved, the peculiar characteristics of the First World War allowed the Germans take a defensive stance in a terrain of their choosing, forcing the Allies to create attrition through offensive action.

Casualties were, therefore, no longer a means to achieve an objective, but became themselves a goal in an inversion of the traditional military rationale. The situation required a response on two levels, the material and the intellectual. The answer to the material issues came swiftly through advances in technology and the subsequent development of tactics. In two years, aircraft evolved from toys to actual combat machines.

Figure 7 - Due to how quickly it was designed and the numbers in which it was produced, the Renault FT tank is a symbol of the extraordinary technological response to the problems of the Great War. If the problem was not felt so keenly by Russia and the Central Powers, it was because the war created an overlap of political and military power; in the powers that remained democratic during the war, a problem arose when defining the objectives of operations. Simply stating that an offensive will be launched which will cost heavy casualties in the mere hope it will inflict heavier casualties on the opponent requires a directness only dared by von Falkenhayn.

If, for the French, the clear separation of spheres of competence between politics and the military allowed the High Command to accept politically defined objectives, and consequently to conduct operations according to purely military and attrition-based conceptions, in the United Kingdom, the influence of political decision-makers strongly conditioned operations.

In a society with a tradition of transparency and political control over military operations, Haig was forced to plan offensives with decisive objectives and could not take a stance of pure attrition, which hampered his success in that area. Thus, while both Allied Armies were told the Somme offensive was part of a group of offensives to break enemy lines that would bring the war a successful end the others were to take place in the Russian and Italian fronts , the French treated their major offensive component purely as an action of attrition, with limited success in that regard, while the British expanded and modified their initial realistic plans and attempted to achieve a decisive and politically desirable victory, thus compromising their attrition objectives.

It is especially interesting to contrast the success of offensives with limited preparation Messines and Vimy with the failure of the major offensive Ypres. Messines clearly showed that the British fully dominated the conduct of attrition warfare, and the unrealistic objectives for Ypres illustrated how political constraints played a role in their perception of the conduct of the war. In an interesting example of the same problem, the German high command, usually not partial to parliamentary control mechanisms, formed an unlikely alliance with the parliament to enforce a policy of unrestricted submarine warfare.

Elevated to the political level, this military concept was presented as the key to a quick and decisive victory, garnering great excitement in public opinion and inevitable disappointment when it failed to live up to expectations, in a clear demonstration of how difficult it was to adjust the duration of a conflict of attrition to the political debate and to social realities. The main difficulty for policy-makers in conceptualizing war was to break free from their training, which upheld the primacy of manoeuvre and of the offensive spirit, and, generally speaking, to abandon Napoleon and return to Vauban.

The Germans were, moreover, waging a war of maneuver on the eastern front, which reinforced the apparent relevance of a classic model of war, and the offensives of were therefore a desperate attempt to enforce a model based on maneuver, which inevitably proved disastrous from the point of view of attrition.

The constraints intrinsic to conflicts of this type proved to be even greater when it came to the planning and conduct of operations by the various groups. The French took three years to find and refine an ideal model which, in a temporary abandonment of the post French pragmatism, Nivelle relinquished with disastrous consequences in to attack in the English way.

General Fayolle was the leading expert in this model. The German general had devised a type of battle designed to expose the French infantry, which would be lured into counter-attacking and defending objectives of an essentially psychological value, on unfavourable ground; however, his subordinates identified and overcame objectives in classical terms of conquering terrain, letting themselves be dragged into a rationale of position maneuver that cancelled out much of the advantages von Falkhenhein had wished to explore.

The decentralized command practiced by the German army granted greater initiative to subordinate levels, which had proved beneficial in maneuvre actions but undermined the kind of precise centralized management crucial to a battle of attrition, which would prove critical in the operations of The excessive optimism of all general staffs, which in the case of the British was reinforced by the classic reliance of democratic societies in the reports of its own bodies, led to grave errors and misled the High Command as to the actual effectiveness of the tactical models adopted, errors which still endure in the British historical analysis of the conflict, as it attempts to legitimize the major offensives of and as a model of attrition.

It was the case, for example, of the German estimates of French casualties in Verdun, which assumed that the rapid rotation of the French units was due to exhaustion, and could not deduce that the adoption of short intervals rotations had actually been a plan to prevent exhaustion; this led to a greatly exaggerated estimate of French casualties and to the persistent pursuit of an operation that had already outlived its usefulness. In , the evolution of the conflict finally yielded a French model that proved to be the most appropriate to the conflict in the western front, with a clear separation between the political sphere where the inspirational leadership of Clemenceau took the stance of supporting the war effort without interfering in its conduct and the military sphere with the acknowledgement of a clear rationale of attrition , allowing the military level to deploy successive offensives aimed more to destroy the German forces than to break through their defences.

Luddendorf defended each sector to prevent a breach; something which he feared would be decisive, not realizing that Foch only intended to make him pay the price of each apparent defensive success, plus interest. This asymmetry of perceptions was enhanced by an asymmetry in material assets, with the allies employing combined combat arms intelligently something which had already become clear in their management of the response to the German offensive , finally resulting in the gradual but irreversible destruction of the German combat capabilities by successive and continued allied offensives. Looking at the current conflicts in the light of Great War analysis, the unreasonable ambitions of the Schlieffen Plan seemingly echo the decision to invade Iraq in , based on wrong assumptions that underestimated the resistance of the environment where the plan was to be implemented.

The victors of a hundred years ago would most likely find our wars rather easy to analyse and quite difficult to understand. Works cited Asprey, R. The German high command at war. London: Warner Books, Bonk, D. Oxford: Osprey, Gray, R. Kaiserschlacht Lomas, D. First Ypres Mac Millan, M. The war that ended peace. London: Profile Books, Verdun Masie, R. Dreadnought, Britain, Germany and the coming of the Great War. London: Vintage Books, McCluskey, A.

Amiens Mosier, J. The myth of the Great War. Neillands, R. The great war generals on the western front. London: Magpie Books, Philpott, W. Fighting the First World War. London: Little Brown Book Group, Tooze, A. The Deluge. The Great War and the remaking of global order. London: Penguin, Tuchman, B. The Guns of August. London: Penguin Books, Turner, A.

Messiness Watson, A. Ring of Steel. Germany and Austria-Hungary at wat, London: Allen Lane, Any historical study of strategy must necessarily challenge the nature of that field of knowledge by outlining its characteristics and by dissecting it to better highlight its features. Strategy has its own history, which derives from a socially and culturally developed construction. Strategy, as a field of knowledge constructed by the thinkers who engendered it and by the political and military agents who implemented it, is a recent phenomenon dating back to the eighteenth century.

Furthermore, over the last two centuries, the disciplines contained in that field of knowledge have varied as the scope and framework of strategy expanded. What, then, must we analyse and dissect when attempting to study the strategic thinking of yesteryear? The strategic treatises of the time?

War-related political thinking? Or geopolitics? And can strategic thinking occur in periods when the concept of strategy did not yet exist? And if it did occur in some form, in what terms was it framed? These are important issues for those who seek to conduct a historical study of strategy. The same could be said about history, which, in its study of humankind and human reality over time and in the long term, does not shy away from attempting to understand civilizational realities that occurred before the concept of history had emerged, when time was mythical, purely circular and eternally repetitive; and yet, those agents are not denied their legitimate historicity.

But even after the field of strategy became a historical reality practiced by specific agents and taught in specific schools, the scope of those studies was likely quite different from that which shapes it today. Strategy has had its own singular evolution as a field of knowledge. It is actually a science, and like all sciences it is permanently being constructed and framed as different theories overlap in widespread discussion. A sound theory illuminates research by broadening the readings of reality of those who study it while directing them towards their goal.

Due to the specific nature of strategy, strategic thinking is not solely the province of treatise writers. Treatises are certainly one of the types of media through which strategic thinking is expressed, but other materials, usually texts, are relevant to the study and understanding of strategy. It would be a profound loss if the study of strategic thinking were to focus entirely on the strategy treatises of a given era. Since strategy deals with issues related to the kinds of armed conflict with which human groups and communities must cope it is imperative to include in the study of strategic thinking, for example, the discussion on those issues within a given society, both those that were widely contested in public fora and those which, in spite of having taken place within a small core of agents, often had a strong, real impact.

This conference aims to examine Portuguese strategic thinking at the dawn of the twentieth century. But in order to study Portuguese strategic thinking at the dawn of the twentieth century, one must not narrow it down to the notions of strategy of the time. This would be tantamount to interpreting ancient times as simply the words from their own past, without endeavouring to study that past in light of our understanding of history. All history is contemporary, in the words of Benedetto Croce2, and any reading of the past is surely an interpretation, respecting the diachronic identity of each era in light of contemporary knowledge.

The study of the strategic thinking of an era is, then, illuminated by the contemporary idea of strategy. Thus, Portuguese strategic thinking at the dawn of the twentieth century cannot be circumscribed to the texts produced by the few national treatise writers. This is the case of the texts discussing the construction of a squadron of battleships published in the pages of the Military Journal and of the Annals of the Naval Military Club, and also in the minutes of the House of Representatives in and This conference will thus examine a few of the authors and the most relevant works of Portuguese strategic thinking in the decade before the outbreak of the Great War.

This research will be the basis for the study and interpretation of both the intrinsic characteristics of strategic thinking and of the awareness that coeval authors had of the international context 1 Benjamin, , pp. The Nature of Strategic Thinking What is the nature of strategy? The idea of strategy is a recent one, dating back to the early eighteenth century at the most, and the term only became popularised in various European languages at the end of that century3.

The birth of strategy can be explained by the parturition of an intermediate stage between political or political-military command and combat which is the province of the tactical level. Until the eighteenth century, the military command - or, more accurately, the political-military command, since when the head of State did not conduct the war directly, this was done by someone to whom he had directly delegated his powers and thus held political and military power — generally conducted and led the tactical action directly. The emergence of mass armies and the division of campaign forces into various corps that could conduct separate but joint operations made it necessary to establish an intermediate step between tactical action and political rationality: strategy had been created4.

Strategy emerged as a bridge between politics and the goals of war5, which tactics must achieve by overcoming the enemy in combat. Strategy emerged from the complexity of warfare. And that complexity continued to increase with the approach of the contemporary era, as the areas of action where belligerent actors resolved their differences through armed conflict expanded. The ability to read complex scenarios and the capacity to act in those contexts regardless, achieving the desired goals, is a structural characteristic of strategy. The other is overcoming the opposition which any agents aiming to fulfil a given goal must face.

Indeed, the object of strategy is not a set of units, but a defiant opponent Adversarial dimension and conflict rationale are core elements of strategy Strategy deals, then, with armed conflict in adversarial, paroxysmal and intensely agonic environments where two opponents battle each other, looking simultaneously to coerce and to resist coercion, with antagonistic goals. However, this dimension refers to a third essential component of strategy: knowledge. It has rarely been pointed out that the art of war as a whole and all the expertise flowing therefrom, such as strategy and tactics, are founded 6 Cited in Ekbladh, , pp.

This truth, which can almost be said to be irreducible, has often been unconsciously expressed in various art forms, from literature to cinema, but it has mostly remained hidden due to clearly ideological reasons and cultural prejudices And yet, if any field of knowledge has merited a high level of study and exploration, both theoretical and, for evident reasons, practical, it is the art of war.

Sun Tzu said that a head of state must devote vast amounts of time to the study of the art of war, or suffer dire consequences In a rather expressive fashion, Abel Cabral Couto outlined the deeper meaning of modern and contemporary strategy in two definitions. More recently, Cabral Couto recast this first definition to include the notion of competitiveness in the potential for armed conflict.

Edward Mead Earle, one of the founders of the first cycle of studies in the United States on what would be known in the late thirties as grand strategy, noted, according to a biographer, that to lead a modern nation in a context of total war it would 13 The practice of violence is seen as the antithesis of reason and awareness; on the contrary, war is par excellence the province of a prudent and calculating game, where the coolness of reason must prevail over the excitement of emotionality.

These methods made it possible to turn thought into action, or rather, discursive action into material action Therefore, strategy emerged as discursive action designed to promote material action, which in turn must transform reality. Strategy is a process20, much like diplomacy which is also a specific type of strategy , as noted by Ambassador Bernardo Futscher Pereira It is a predictive, selective and responsive vision capable of long term planning22 through long-range thinking The procedural nature of strategic action correlates to its discursive nature.

Because it is a narrative, strategy unfolds in a process composed of paths and goals. Thought corresponds to action, or rather discursive action correlates with material action to provoke an effect which leads to an end. The effect is the result of strategic action and the political goals constitute the ends.

Strategy being a human action, it can, in a sense, be defined as the management and manipulation of individuals organized in communal structures by discourse and material action, aimed to constrain, coerce and, if absolutely necessary, to eliminate other individuals, also organized in communal structures, who oppose the desired ends of the first.

The discursive or narrative nature of strategy and the correlation with procedural dynamics or with material action reflect the ideological meaning of strategy, both merging into the effect that leads to an end This ideological meaning should not be interpreted in a pejorative sense but by looking to the deeper meaning of strategy as a means to build and structure - in its 18 Ekbladh, , p.

Producing an effect which leads to an end represents the desire and will to change reality. Strategy is thaumaturgical, curative; like war, it aims to bring down the enemy27, the opponent, and to rewrite reality, and, in that sense, it is ideological. It is a type of rationality guided by pragmatism, which aims to rewrite the world.

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The above digression placed strategy within cultural dynamics. A discursive action designed to foster a physical action, this discipline produces an ideological discourse - like all discourses are ideological - that rewrites the world; in short, it seeks to bring about a transformation of reality, defining it by words and actions.

Language and action combine, reflecting the comprehensive nature and wide scope of strategy. Thus, it is no accident, but rather it is inscribed into the essence of this discipline, that strategy is most often expressed through treatises and other literary works, in discussions in the press or in public fora, and in other types of media where discourse plays an important role, such as private correspondence.

We are in the presence of strategic discourse when all the above elements, which belong to the nature of strategy, are accounted for: it is a discursive action - an encompassing type of thinking imbued with an ideology that purports to change reality - which seeks to foster a material action based on various different types of media ; intends to produce an effect overcoming an opponent by conditioning, constraining or, if absolutely necessary, eliminating that opponent ; generates a positive end that is, successfully effects change in the previous negative reality.

Therein is the curative, or thaumaturgical, nature of strategy. Portuguese Strategic Thinking: discourse and action Our knowledge of Portuguese strategic thinking at the dawn of the twentieth century stems from several types of narrative texts, that is, discursive actions.

As strategy springs from war, the thaumaturgical nature of war inscribed itself into strategy, perhaps even more profoundly considering that the discipline emerged as an instrument for the conduct of armed conflict. Each of these texts, which are varied in nature, may be included in the discursive narratives that outline Portuguese strategic thinking at the dawn of the twentieth century: they present a vision and a broad spectrum of knowledge, define an opposition that must be overcome and provide a course of action and intermediate and final goals that must be achieved.

The text is mainly a reflection on the issues related to fortification and how it relates to national defence. Nevertheless, during the first quarter of the book the author frames, as one must, the issues of military fortification in relation to the national defence policy and to general military strategy, as we would call it today. Raul Esteves starts by pointing out the relationship between civilizational stage and the shape of war, noting that the coeval modalities of warfare were born during the French Revolution: The most profound transformation, whose lessons are used to draft laws even today, was undoubtedly that which resulted from the fighting that took place after the French Revolution, where, in the wake of political evolution, the art of war acquired a new shape, very different from the one it had before After briefly touching upon the strategic readings which reflected on national mobilization, Raul Esteves assesses that Portugal could potentially raise a force of about , troops Other authors concerned themselves with the issue of the nation in arms and of a general compulsory military service.

In fact, national mobilization based on a conscripted army - different from the standing army, which was based only on the staff enlisted at the time the first rate forces 33 — was more than a strategic necessity derived from the evolution of the major continental powers, but was a way to adapt that organization to reflect social, political and cultural modernity. The nation in arms was truly the government of the people. With the Recruitment Act of 2 March , based on the mobilization of the nation, the Republic established 30 Esteves, , p.

Secretaria da Guerra, , p. The fortification plan for Portugal must have been prepared within this framework of constitution of the nation in arms. A pivotal element in this treatise, and in many other treatises of the time, is the view that Portugal must be able to defend itself, at least in a first stage of the contest with its likely enemy. The author believed this design was gravely flawed in two aspects: it would leave a considerable part 35 Secretaria da Guerra, , pp.

Raul Esteves also underlines the crucial importance of the railway in the quick mobilization of a defence, but recognized that the national railway system was still a long way from having the required capacities to meet our needs, and that the same was true of the road infrastructure It deals with the issues of national defence in the expectation that Portugal might become a belligerent in a military conflict, which today would be described as typical, as the country would be standing against organized armed forces led by political architectures composed of sovereign States of symmetrical status This concern with the higher purpose of the armed forces derives from the need of those forces to fully accomplish their warlike mission: national mobilization through conscription, forming the nation in arms the mass army , addressing the issues related to the railway and road infrastructures which were vital to military communications, and external alliances, which were crucial to mitigate our weaknesses.

The author disregards the experience of the Peninsular War. It was conducted under foreign command and it was not subordinated to the national interest. Hence, although the Republic followed the ideal of the future General Raul Esteves by implementing a universal conscription of citizens and national mobilization53, it also produced a naval plan along the same lines.

In fact, that discussion is a result of forethought, prudence and deliberation, which are vital to any type of strategic planning. Strategy is not only accomplished by going forward, rather it reflects on the path before embarking on the journey Therefore, this reflective nature is often the source of discussion on the issues related to strategy.

If there was any discussion around national defence in the years immediately after the proclamation of the Republic, it was the issue of the naval plan. This idea for a naval program was defended, for instance, by the then First Lieutenant Fernando Augusto Pereira da Silva in a short work published in The mere fact that this critic signed 52 Esteves, , p. Indeed, conscription and national mobilization as defined in the legislation were never implemented in times of peace during the Republic.

For a summary of the military reforms of the Republic, see Duarte, At any rate, in mid, C. Beginning by stating that national defence is the foundation of national autonomy58, the author goes on to note that Portugal must combine land and sea for its defence, so, should the country rely solely on a powerful navy, it would be defeated on land by its most likely enemy note the usage of this concept. The author then calls for the creation of a joint committee of the army and the navy charged with planning the defence of Portugal With regard to naval planning, C.

With this criticism, C. The ships originally planned by the Navy Committee pointed to capital ships - battleships - weighing 20, tonnes. It seems clear that there is a deceitful logic at play here, almost an artifice, which states that if one is to buy low quality materials, then the best thing to do is avoid spending those sparse financial resources on useless objects.

Pereira da Silva, , p. For Pereira da Silva, the naval reorganization and the Navy rearmament policy should not be defined primarily by the alliance, but by a political and strategic national vision. In order to balance the scales, Portugal had to be seen as an asset on the international stage. Almost all political discourse, as will become apparent, converged on this political-strategic topos. The Portuguese were not certain that Great Britain would protect them from invasion or from the usurpation of their colonies by third parties.

Now, I agree with my esteemed colleague that the arming of a nation depends on its national and foreign policy, which includes alliances If the alliance was one of the key issues in the discussion, one other issue was the problem of which weapons should be acquired. And this issue was in a sense related to the alliances, since the projections of the Navy Commission dictated that the new squadron must be capable of combat against best navies in the world, as well as of being integrated into the main squadrons of those navies, something which required the most powerful armament available And thus C.

It seems clear that Pereira da Silva sought to emphasize the relevance of the political and strategic elements to the detriment of the economic and financial aspects. The naval program had been no more than a fantasy. It mirrored the dilemmas of a colonial power without a squadron that did it justice and of a small power with a regime ostracized by Europe that rendered it vulnerable and isolated. In essence, the whole issue of national defence was related to the issue of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance.

Although this statement is not altogether impossible to believe, it can be said to be wrong in the context of the radical interventionism of In reality, the existence of a foreign policy pursued with diligence explained the national belligerence from to The naval issue must be structured by taking into account the global context, combining naval defence, land defence, merchant shipping and support policies.

It was not by accident that the speech began with an affirmation of the alleged sustainability of the New Republic: She is alive and well and she is already so strong, capable of walking and of bearing fruit Next, he added that it was necessary to redefine the rights and duties resulting from the alliance with England within the new political framework of a patriotic government of the people The framework in which Afonso Costa envisioned the need to collaborate with Great Britain was the inevitable and devastating tumult that was soon expected to occur in Europe.

Therefore, attending to the national defence was an urgent priority According to the author, the vagueness that characterised the relationship of the Republic with the Alliance perfectly mirrored the situation of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance. In the conceptual framework of , and given the inevitability of an approaching European conflict of vast proportions, strategic parity meant military capabilities, as the texts above show.

Thus, the redefinition of the nature, extent and impact of the alliance for both partners required an urgent reform of the national defence. The naval program and the Army reorganization were crucial elements to redress the relationship between the two allies. As it turned out, the restructuring process was involved in a tug-of-war with fiscal austerity. Alliances and National Sovereignty One possible solution was perhaps recasting the alliance within a network of alliances. The rapprochement between Portugal and Spain was to be a first step towards integrating both countries in the Entente Note that, even though this correspondence dates from July and August , there is no mention of the imminent outbreak of a war in Europe.

However, the crisis triggered by the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria had been in place for a few weeks at that point. The outbreak of the war came as a complete surprise to Lisbon and to Europeans. The idea of war was often expressed by the European chancelleries and by the European press, but in reality, the outbreak of the conflict was unexpected.

An effective alliance, rather than a dependency, would ensure both an end to the insularity into which the Republic had led Portugal, and a tougher international stance, positioning the country within a multilateral international architecture where it would enjoy greater parity with the remaining partners. In contrast, in a multilateral alliance, like in a game with several players, being the weaker ally was not as important because the greater complexity of exchange mechanisms resulted in greater parity.

Collaboration in a wider context meant leverage of power and enhanced strategic parity. This letter is particularly interesting as it mentions the outbreak of the war. As often happened with correspondence at the time, the text of the letter was not written in one sitting but could take a few days to complete. Idem, p. This line of action was tirelessly promoted by the interventionists from to the Portuguese Expeditionary Corps sent to Flanders was the first step of a plan that had been developed before the war. To build a path is to build a narrative, outlining a goal and identifying the means and ways of achieving it, as well as ways of mitigating both the weaknesses and the resistance that prevent that purpose from being achieved.

Strategy is, then, narrative text, or knowledge. As all alphabets, strategy is knowledge expressed by language, a thought that seeks to act on the world and configure it according to the wishes of its authors. Hence, strategy is expressed, first and foremost, in various types of texts: in addition to classic treatises, it can be found in written discussions, speeches usually political , in both official and private correspondence, and in strategic and operational plans, as well as in legislative or political-institutional texts.

Readability is a characteristic of strategy, and the only means to identify the path that must be taken, so that by overcoming the opposition and eliminating armed conflict the intended final objective can be achieved through a sequence of partial steps and intermediate goals. The proclamation of the Republic escalated the animosity between the Iberian regimes and weakened the national position within the international community, thus increasing the temptation for Spain.

To remedy this weakness, a few texts were published in the first two decades of the twentieth century which sought to propose a strategy, that is, courses of action that might potentially strengthen the national body and its security, mitigating vulnerabilities, either in specific aspects or from a more complete and comprehensive perspective. Raul Esteves, then a lieutenant, published a treatise on the national defence and fortification of Portugal.

There, the then young lieutenant called for the creation of a general military service and for a general conscription to mobilize the nation for national defence, which would become the nation in arms. Doubting that Great Britain would secure our defence in a first phase of a conflict between the Iberian states, and seeking to ensure that our resources would not be taken by a rapid Spanish incursion into national territory, the author advocated for a general military service to ensure the availability of a military force of , troops for a robust border defence until the arrival of the military forces of our British ally, and the idea of a concentrated defence was set aside in favour of a forward defence.

This more than justified the modernization of the Navy and of its armament with the most modern battle squadron available, which could collaborate on equal terms with the Royal Navy and secure the protection of national maritime lines of communication. These questions opposed those who saw the squadron as instrument of emancipation from Great Britain to those who questioned how to reconcile it with fiscal austerity.

The issue of the English alliance is the key to interpreting the Portuguese foreign policy in the early years of the First Republic. This situation led to the assumption by Spain, or by certain elements in the country, that the moment had come to secure the incorporation of Portugal into a finally unified Iberian body. This great Entente might even have the power to attract Italy, which could also integrate the alliance. This strategic reading, that is, this path would lead to belligerence and to the military expeditionary force sent to Flanders in Gray, Colin S.

Hoffman, F. XIX e XX. This paper is based on primary German sources and on secondary sources dealing with the way certain German, French, English and Portuguese authors address Germany from and German Foreign Policy worldwide and particularly in Africa; the paper is organized into three main parts. The Deutsche Kolonialverein [German Colonial Association] was created along the same lines in , registering about 9, members by the end of and about 12, members in Some of the objectives of this society were: acquiring capital for the colonization process; acquiring overseas colonies; and directing German emigration to those regions.

However, in , both were merged into the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft [German Colonial Society], which increased its members from 14, to about 43, until the First World War Speitkamp , p. In fact, the German colonial movement was small in numbers but was nevertheless relatively influential, because among the most influential pressure groups and colonization agents were: the geographic societies; the transnational networks of goods, especially the Hanseatic League; and the missionaries Conrad, , pp. The geographic societies had contributed to the scientific knowledge of the African continent and its financially unexplored territories and to emigration projects since the mid-nineteenth century.

With regard to the transnational networks of goods and the purpose of the Hanseatic League, Zimmermann , p. The Hanseatic League supported free trade and could be described as cosmopolitan, and it was also responsible for establishing commercial networks and conquering markets by disseminating information images and ideas about foreign lands among the Germans. Therefore, mention must be made of the four arguments for German colonialism presented by Conrad , pp.

The Second Reich, albeit being a latecomer to the group of first industrialized countries, had been undergoing an overproduction crisis since , which had impact on the metallurgical, electrical and chemical industries. Hence, due to the increasing economic and industrial development, there was a need to find more resources and new export markets for products, something that could be achieved by owning colonies. This was, according to Conrad , p. Moreover, they sought and seek progress and studied and study trends and needs Hammer, , pp.

Trade expansion was eventually accompanied by financial expansion, which resulted in the establishment of subsidiaries of German financial institutions all over the world, the most notable example being the Deutsche Bank. The mobility argument was also presented, partly as a way to regulate the high population growth rate in Germany. This meant allowing Germans to immigrate to the German colonies, which would prevent them from mixing with the majority population, thus losing the German national characteristics.

This was a discourse of Deutschtum [Germanness] geared towards a policy of Germanisation for locations under German control, as underlined by Conrad , p. Jahrhundert [Greater Germany: a project of the twentieth century], published in Bogdan, , p. Another motive, related to the above, was cultural colonization, based on the idea that the Second Reich was fulfilling a civilizing mission. This was, however, a common feature of colonialism in general, because colonialism was considered a synonym for cultural superiority, especially as the European 4 It had only been known as Alldeutscher Verband since The previous name was Allgemeinen Deutschen Verband.

On the other hand, the technological advances gave rise to the cult of progress and to an unrestricted capacity for improvement, something which the colonized had never experienced MacQueen, , p. Finally, another motive for German colonization which turned out not to be relevant at the time was the desire to use the colonies as a space to release conflicts and antagonism, a means of overcoming internal tensions in the Second Reich by extraditing all those who had been involved in disputes or were found guilty of laziness or vagrancy Conrad, , pp.

As we have observed, German colonization was essentially driven by economic and cultural motives that are still features of German Foreign Policy today, even after one century has passed. Thus, the first set of motives — which were economic - was related to the need to find new markets for German products, leading German merchants and industrialists to leave Germany and settle in various parts of the world, funded by capital from German financial institutions.

The second set, cultural motives, was related to the global dissemination of the German language, which followed the departing German merchants and industrialists. To meet this need, the Goethe-Institut was established in and tasked with disseminating the German language and culture 5 An expression of national determination, pan-Germanism advocated the need to preserve and strengthen the German way of life. It was, according to Usher , p. In reality, Germany and the remaining States were attempting to expand their borders, disputing spaces that were often held by other States, employing military force and risking war.

However, this demand for more Lebensraum [living space] often began with scientific missions and with the settlement of German merchants, and it was only later, as a result of the Congo Conference and of the Weltpolitik [world politics] in force since , that there was a German military presence in those spaces. In , when Germany arrived in Africa, most of the territory was already under the control of other colonial powers, including France and Great Britain.

However, a few years later, in , the constant conflicts and warfare led the German imperial government to take over the administration of the region Conrad, , pp. The idea of a Colonial Empire in Africa: the Perspective of geographer Friedrich Ratzel, framed by the Perspectives of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck and Emperor Wilhelm II As the man responsible for the unification of Germany after the Prussian victories in the war against Austria-Hungary in and France in under the auspices of the triumph of the idea of Kleindeutschland [Little Germany], Bismarck had as his main objective the consolidation of the Second Reich in Europe, which was its geopolitical space of action par excellence.

In the perspective of German political geographer Ratzel, Germany felt similarly under threat: the country is located in Mitteleuropa [Middle Europe] and has no natural boundaries the only maritime border, with the North Sea7 and the Baltic Sea8, that is, two inland seas, is to the North and does not provide direct access to the ocean. Germany was thus under pressure from all sides, especially from France to the west, and from Russia to the east; it was caught in an enclave, and its dimensions were insufficient Fernandes, , pp.

Following his Doctoral Dissertation, entitled Die Chinesische Auswanderung [The Chinese Emigration], in , Ratzel also compared Germany and China, the Middle Kingdom, and therefore considered that the Second Reich should empower itself with stronger strategic means capable of containing a possible threat on two fronts Korinman, , p.

In essence, Ratzel sought to find a way to balance the idea of a State-continent with the control of the whole western isthmus of Eurasia, as underlined by Gallois , p. Ratzel believed the dimensions and vastness of spaces allowed for the constant circulation of population and the subsequent conquest of territory from east to west; as a result, the political leaders of those areas were compelled to develop their territory as a whole.

The political geographer believed that the future belonged to State-continents; therefore the Second Reich had to rise to that category before it could become a Weltmacht [world power] Defarges, p. While Bismarck wanted stability and a unified Second Reich, Wilhelm II, on the other hand, wanted ein Platz an der Sonne [a place in the sun] for Germany, which meant turning his European power into a world power. Bismarck eventually changed his mind with regard to colonization, but not until , and he was only moderately interested in the matter as he believed German colonization should be brought about by trade and private enterprise.

It was, above all, a way to solve to the overproduction crisis in Germany at the time. One of the aims of Weltpolitik was to exploit economic possibilities outside Europe by identifying the regions capable of meeting the geopolitical needs of the colonial and maritime expansion of the Second Reich, which Ratzel seemed to confirm with his concept of Lebensraum [living space]. Along these lines, and inspired by Alfred Mahan and his work, The Influence of Sea Power Upon History , the Second Reich began implementing a naval policy in , with Admiral Alfred Tirpitz as Secretary of State of the German Imperial Naval Office, and built a high seas fleet that became the second largest in the world.

For Wilhelm II, grandson of Queen Victoria and a great admirer of English naval power, the future was at sea: imperial power meant maritime power and maritime and imperial power were mutually dependent to such an extent that one could not exist without the other. Figure 1 - Mittelafrika Source: prepared by author 9 The name given to the ambitious German foreign and colonial policy advocated by Wilhelm II.

The Great Lakes are also located there, at the fracture of the Great Rift, which extends to east Africa Correia, , pp. As for climate, it is a heterogeneous area with dry, arid and hot climates characteristic of the Horn of Africa and hot and humid climates with heavy rainfall characteristic of tropical forests, without forgetting the continental climate typical of the plateaus Correia, , p. The wealth in water resources makes this region favourable to agriculture and there is an abundance of mineral resources: gold, diamonds, copper, nickel, cobalt and coltan Correia, , p Thus, Guevara , p.

It is also noteworthy that Kusserow, advisor to the German Foreign Office, proposed the same type of colonial expansion to Bismarck in April The Congo Conference held in Berlin sought to transport the concept of buffer States to Africa, which meant the creation of an independent and neutral State in Central Africa headed by a sovereign of a small country, Belgium, thus avoiding a direct clash of interests between the major powers France, Germany and Great Britain Guevara, , p.

The idea came to the fore again under Leo von Caprivi , chancellor between and , following the Anglo-German Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty. The German government was effectively under constant pressure from the colonial societies, from the pan-Germanists and from other right-wing movements with regard to the German colonial expansion within the African space Olusoga et al. After the Break. After the new social democracy: Social welfare for the 21st century. Against Meritocracy. Ageing and Technology. Ageing in Europe. Supporting Policies for an Inclusive Society.

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